By Coulter H. George
How did old Greek exhibit that an occasion happened at a specific time, for a undeniable length, or inside of a given time-frame? the reply to those questions will depend on quite a few stipulations - the character of the time noun, the annoying and element of the verb, the actual old interval of Greek within which the writer lived - that present stories of the language don't take sufficiently into consideration. This ebook hence examines the situations that govern using the genitive, dative, and accusative of time, in addition to the suitable prepositional buildings, basically in Greek prose of the 5th century BC during the moment century advert, but in addition in Homer. whereas the focal point is on advancements in Greek, translations of the examples, in addition to an absolutely glossed precis bankruptcy, make it obtainable to linguists drawn to the expression of time more often than not.
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Within the ﬁnal examples, Cyr. three. 1. 7 and six. 2. 1, we back see the traditional continuation of what has simply preceded (in the previous, Xenophon provides the following level within the captivity of Tigranes; within the latter, he indications the narrative harmony by utilizing καί: ἦλθον δ’ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Ἰνδοῦ χρήματα ἄγοντες). For extra examples of ways Xenophon’s linguistic expressions are tormented by the articulation of the textual content, see Buijs 2005, esp. ch. four. 151 ex p re s s i o ns of ti m e : s t y le , ge n re , a n d di a c h ro n y examples the place the development is drawn out adequate (in either situations, the verb modiﬁed is a less than excellent) that the temporal word is sort of top interpreted as durative: (61) ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι οὕτω σφόδρα ἐπείνων ὥστε . . . And at the moment the Corcyraeans have been so hungry that . . . (HG 6. 2. 15) (62) οὕτω δὴ γιγνώσκων πρῶτον μὲν τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς μᾶλλον ἐκπονοῦντα ἐπεδείκνυεν ἑαυτὸν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐπεὶ εὐδαιμονέστερος ἦν With this in brain, within the ﬁrst position he confirmed himself extra assiduous in his getting to the gods at the present, in view that he used to be extra lucky (Cyr. eight. 1. 23) there's a fair more advantageous connection among the previous sections and that with the ἐν-phrase in those examples, because the longlasting occasions defined in those passages have what precedes as a precondition: in (61), army activities opposed to Corcyra are what bring about famine there; in (62), it's Cyrus’ perspectives at the right habit of a ruler that bring about his elevated observance of non secular ritual. The expression with κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον is slightly diverse: (63) ἐτύγχανε δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον καὶ Φαρνάβαζος πρὸς Τισσαφέρνην ἀφιγμένος And Pharnabazus too, because it occurred, used to be vacationing Tissaphernes at the present (HG three. 2. thirteen) What distinguishes it from the examples with ἐν is that there's much less of a connection among the host clause and the previous part. precise, there's the continuing presence of Tissaphernes as an actor within the narrative (signaled during this sentence with καί), however it is gifted as mere likelihood (ἐτύγχανε) that Pharnabazus is traveling him, and this looser connection is in step with using κατά rather than ἐν. whereas this instance is unquestionably no longer adequate by itself to set up a distinction among the 2 prepositions, the mixed weight of the contrasts noticeable in examples (52) via (63) means that κατά+A does certainly introduce a temporally much less exact word than does ἐν. 152 x e n op h on It is still to think about brieﬂy these buildings with ἐν that border at the durative kind. sixty three we've seen numerous examples already, equivalent to (61) and (62), the place the verbal occasion turns out to final for the complete length of the temporal word. sixty four may still such words be classiﬁed as durative within the ﬁnal research? not likely: ﬁrst, the development with ἐν+D is strongly linked to the limitative or punctual kinds somewhere else, and it'd be uneconomical to characteristic a durative worth to it right here. nonetheless, as has already been obvious, languages don't need to have a one-to-one courting among event-type and the skin expression, so the higher cause to not view those as durative structures lies within the distinction among them and the genuine durative expressions with the accusative of time: the latter do not need the telic boundedness linked to the limitative sort.